| | Women's experiences when ultrasound examinations give unexpected findings in the second trimesterReceived 31 December 2008; received in revised form 16 January 2010; accepted 20 January 2010. Abstract BackgroundIn Norway pregnant women who are not regarded to be in a risk group are offered one routine ultrasound around the 18th week of pregnancy. If serious abnormalities are diagnosed, the women may apply for a termination. Research QuestionThe aim of this study was to describe and understand some pregnant women's thoughts, feelings and dilemmas of choice when unexpected findings were diagnosed after a routine ultrasound examination. MethodsThis study was based on 22 semi-structured life world interviews. The women interviewed were informed of unexpected findings after undergoing routine ultrasound examinations around the 18th week of pregnancy. The analysis of the data was inspired by phenomenological research and followed the meaning condensation approach described by Kvale (1). ResultsThe informants’ experiences are presented by showing how they described shifts between juxtaposed emotional states: hope–acceptance, distancing–denial and grief–guilt. All of the informants described these swings between different emotions as a state of continuous chaos. DiscussionThe discovery of abnormality in a wanted child at a late stage of pregnancy can evoke an emotional crisis for women. All the informants in this study described swings between different emotions as being in a state of continuous chaos. The women had to make difficult choices regarding their own future and that of their child. ConclusionEliminating the anxiety and anguish experienced by women following a diagnosis of fetal abnormality is impossible. It must be possible, however, to mitigate their distress. Further research should develop methods to prepare women for coping in crises like these. Introduction  Ultrasound examinations have played a key role in modern pregnancy care in large parts of the western world.2 Technology has undergone rapid developments.3 As a result of this, structures in fetal anatomy which were previously relatively unknown are now revealed and women receive more detailed diagnostic information. New developments in technology create new reproductive choices which women have to address.4, 5 One consequence of the use of medical technological intervention has been the new way of framing birth: from a woman's life experience to a medical event taking place in a modern, high-technology labour ward.6 In Norway all pregnant women are introduced to routine ultrasound examinations around the 18th week of pregnancy. Under the Act concerning Termination of Pregnancy of 13 June 1975, if a serious abnormality is diagnosed, a late abortion up to the 24th week is allowed, but the women must first apply for a termination and attend a meeting with a decision-making board.7 The aims of this paper are to describe and understand pregnant women's thoughts, feelings and dilemmas of choice when unexpected findings were diagnosed after a routine ultrasound examination during their second trimester. First, we introduce some relevant research on women's experiences with ultrasound technology. We then present some of the findings of our qualitative study. The findings are discussed in the light of women's choices while in a state of emotional chaos. Literature review  Antenatal care, including ultrasound, is seen as a social “must” for most modern couples.8 Wertz says that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, for women to choose to reject technologies offered and approved by the obstetric profession.9 Women's desire to see their fetus is so strong that it is difficult to decline the opportunity.10 In recent years, requirements regarding the written and oral information given prior to ultrasound examinations have become more stringent in most countries. Nevertheless, review studies conclude that a significant proportion of women are not making fully informed decisions about screening and that most women are not making informed choices about terminations. They make their choices based on the reassurance and/or recommendations of health care professionals.11 Research on women's experiences during ultrasound examinations refers to how pregnant women react to unexpected findings and how emotional distress caused by diagnostic uncertainty can adversely affect the mother–child relationship.2, 12, 13 Women's preparedness prior to ultrasound examinations is described as inadequate.2, 14, 15, 16 The outcome of such situations can also depend on the support received from social workers and the woman's immediate family and friends.17 Since the inception of diagnostics in modern pregnancy care, its practice has been a subject of debate, from the issue of biological risks to today's debate on the parents’ wish to obtain a picture of the fetus.18 Ultrasound examinations have become an integral part of women's embodied experience of pregnancy.19 The visual experience which an ultrasound image can provide intensifies the attachment between mother and baby.13 Some studies describe a connection between actually seeing a fetal deformity on a screen and the decision to terminate a pregnancy.20, 21 Some studies claim that the psychological impact is stronger when the pregnancy termination occurs during the second trimester.22, 23 The literature indicates that ultrasound screening is perceived as a normal part of pregnancy care but that women are unprepared for unexpected findings.2, 13 This indicates that an understanding of women's feelings after ultrasound screening with unexpected results is important. Methods  To obtain an understanding of the women's thoughts, we needed to gain an understanding of their personal experiences when unexpected findings occurred in the second trimester ultrasound screening. We chose semi-structured life world interviews as our data gathering method because we wanted to understand and describe the daily lived world from the women's perspective. This form of interview is defined as an one whose purpose is to obtain descriptions of the life world of the interviewee with a view to interpreting the meaning of the described phenomena.24 Twenty-two women were recruited for qualitative research interviews that were carried out in 2004. Selection of interviewees was based on the following criteria: •The pregnancy was wanted. •Indications of abnormalities were detected during a routine ultrasound. The women interviewed experienced different decision-making processes, and the final outcomes of the pregnancies also differed. For 15 of the 22 women this was their first pregnancy. They lived at different locations in Southern Norway and their educational levels and other factors were relevant for their age group in Norway. The interview took place between 2 and 12 weeks after the termination of pregnancy or normal birth. Of the 22 women, 12 had been given a serious diagnosis and were given the possibility to apply for a late termination in weeks 19–24 of the pregnancy. One of the 12 chose not to terminate, but her baby died soon after delivery. Soft sign markers were detected in the remaining 10 women, and they were not given a serious enough diagnosis to apply for a late termination. Two of these 10 gave birth to normal babies and 2 had babies with abnormalities. The remaining 6 women had babies with lethal abnormalities. One woman was pregnant with twins; one of the fetuses was terminated due to diagnosed abnormalities and the other was born healthy. The sample group was recruited from two different sources; 9 women were recruited through an ultrasound laboratory at a large hospital in Norway and 13 women were recruited through a network created by Norwegian women with different ultrasound experiences.25 We did not find any differences in the data based on this method of recruitment. Informed consent was obtained by a written letter giving information about the project. The women recruited from the hospital were given this information by their treating medical personnel. The same information was published on the network's website. The women were given the opportunity to contact us to arrange interviews. The written consent they signed stated that they could withdraw from the study at any time. The project and problems at issue were assessed and approved by the Regional Committee for Medical Research Ethics, Southern Norway. The interviews, which were recorded, lasted between 120 and 190 min and were conducted at or close to the women's homes. All the interviews were performed by the midwife author; her professional experience seemed to facilitate an open dialogue with the women. The interviews began by asking them to describe their experiences from the beginning of their pregnancy to their ultrasound examination and the process involved in the decision they had made. The intention was to bring out the women's self-understanding; why they said what they said and behaved as they did. During the interview process a conscious effort was made to encourage them to elaborate on their experiences and to use different words to describe their feelings. The interviewer was also conscious of allowing the women to speak freely and not to lead their stories in a specific direction. To protect anonymity, very little contextual information was explored. The interviews were conducted in Norwegian. The data was translated from Norwegian by a government-authorised translator. Analysis  The two authors have different professional backgrounds; one a midwife, the other a gynaecologist. This professional closeness to women's health and pregnancy provided in-depth knowledge about the procedures the women in the study revealed. The presupposition at the start of the research project was that the information supplied to pregnant women before routine ultrasound examinations was insufficient. The analysis was inspired by phenomenological research.1, 26, 27 The adopted approach to the analysis was the five steps of meaning condensation described by Kvale.1 The interviews were recorded and transcribed. In the written transcriptions, Norwegian dialects were changed to standard, written Norwegian to protect the anonymity of the women. During the analysis the written transcriptions served as the main data source, but the first author listened to the recordings of the interviews several times during the analysis process in order to filter out errors introduced by the transcription process. The text was broken down into meaning units and from these we generated the main themes. Firstly, we worked on capturing the meaning of part of the women's life worlds. We then focused on capturing the themes related to the aim of this paper. This was achieved through iterative dialogue between the first and second authors, thereby examining the data from different perspectives. The themes were selected on the basis of high frequency in the interviews. Not all of the themes were brought up by all of the respondents; for example, the grief and guilt theme was not present in the interviews of the two women who gave birth to healthy children. Results  The analysis produced three themes. The informants’ experiences are presented by showing how they described shifts between the emotional mode pairs of hope–acceptance, distancing–denial and grief–guilt. These findings are not surprising, as these themes often emerge from analyses of emotional responses to human crises. Hope and acceptance Pregnancy is a process between a woman, her partner and the child she is carrying. The emotional relationship usually develops in phases throughout the pregnancy, and involves emotional bonding, happiness and thoughts about the future. The women who were given an unexpected diagnosis told of how they sensed immediately and intuitively that something was wrong: “I knew it as soon as he looked at me, really”. At this point they were overpowered by several strong emotions, yet still maintained a sense of hope: “You always have hope”. During the diagnostic process the women clung to the hope that the diagnosis was incorrect: “We cried all the time and had a tiny hope that everything would work out all right”. Their emotions swung between hope and acceptance. One woman said: “My first thought was to get rid of her at once. Then already during the night I decided that of course she should be allowed to remain where she is [sic]”. Another woman said: “I simply gave up that Friday. What can I do either way, I thought. Then the weekend started, and I thought this is my last day as a happy pregnant woman”. The transition from being a pregnant woman full of expectations to being a woman in a crisis situation was experienced in different ways. The experience of sharing a body with a fetus that was suddenly defined as abnormal evoked a sense of insecurity and other reactions that were difficult to acknowledge. Distancing and denial During the diagnostic process several respondents described a change in attitude, a sense of distancing themselves from their body and their child. Many of the respondents explained this as a defence mechanism; they tried to distance themselves from feelings they had developed towards their baby in order to protect themselves from further suffering. A typical statement was: “Then they say that it would most probably not survive the pregnancy, and then it hit me; get that kid out! Then I didn’t want it there any more”. Some women were sent home with a date for further diagnostic tests. All the women described this waiting period as a chaotic time. They were alone, with no-one to consult, and shifted between feelings such as distancing and denial: “The reality was hard to take in. It was just as if we went into a coma. I can’t actually remember any dreams I had during that week. I was like a switch that was turned off at night and turned on again in the morning”. Until then the pregnancy had been something to be proud of; suddenly it became something that should be hidden and not discussed. They referred to this as a personal defence mechanism that should protect them from further pain: “Even though I thought a lot about what was going to happen, it was just as if it kind of concerned someone else. It wasn’t about me anymore”. The envisioned future as a mother with a baby no longer existed. It was during this period of coping with these feelings that some chose to terminate their pregnancy. The decision to terminate the pregnancy An interdisciplinary team informs the parents about the baby's diagnosis so that the couple should be in a position to make an informed decision. They are given information on the baby's condition and a professional assessment of the consequences of the deformity. If the couple wishes to do so, they are given an opportunity to consult various specialists: “When we came into the room, they talked to us and said that we had to decide whether or not we wanted to terminate the pregnancy. And they recommended perhaps that we should do it then, even though they didn’t say that that was what we should do. They gave their recommendation by saying that there was no hope, no matter what”. Another woman said: “The toughest part is that you lose something which you really want if she is healthy, but which you have decided that you don’t want”. The impression gained from this study is that women's preparedness to receive such information is limited because the situation is marked by crisis, the decision-making time is short, and the technical information adds to the women's emotional despair. The women in this study described how their emotions changed and told of how feelings such as guilt and grief overshadowed the ensuing process. Grief and guilt Pregnancy terminations so late in a pregnancy are carried out in the same manner as induced deliveries. In order to spare the woman, it is desirable that the baby should not show any signs of life. To induce a “premature delivery” the woman must take contraction-inducing drugs (prostaglandin). All the informants described this specific act of “inducing a birth” as one of the worst and most difficult experiences of the entire process: “I kept looking at the tablets every single day and felt really uncertain. I didn’t really want this, but I had to”. Another woman said: “It was bad enough getting the diagnosis, but the worst bit was taking tablets that would kill my baby. That was awful”. One woman said: “I was given a maturation pill to mature the cervix, and then we had to go home for two days. It was awful. It was terror, plain and simple. I didn’t want to go home”. These findings show that the bereavement process is an intense and lonely one. The women described a grief which they could not express and could therefore not address openly: “There were all the thoughts, and that I didn’t have anyone to talk to at home. And what was it like now, kind of. What was it like now for that thing, and. and they had said both [sic] at the hospital that we only had to call them. But I just couldn’t do it”. They described feelings such as “self-indulgent grief” and felt that, to a large extent, they had to bear this alone. This situation compounded the grief process and opened up for the feeling of guilt which the women described in different ways. All the women indicated that it was important for them to spend time with their dead baby after the delivery. They had frightening visions of how the child would look, but when they actually got to see it, this changed, and the closeness they had experienced prior to the diagnosis was restored: “She was so beautiful. We recognised ourselves in her face”. The women in this study placed emphasis on the fact that this was not an abortion but rather the birth of a baby who was not capable of survival. It is a voluntary termination of a wanted pregnancy with an unwanted outcome: “The whole situation was so wrong, that you had to have the abortion approved, the word ‘abortion’ didn’t fit the situation. I didn’t really feel that–I didn’t really want an abortion, in a way”. One woman regretted that she had not waited a bit longer before deciding to terminate the pregnancy: “But in retrospect I think—if he had grown a bit bigger, perhaps a bit stronger, then maybe he might have opened his eyes, right? They expressed grief over their experiences. The day when the birth should have taken place was a milestone: “I was due in December, and feel that I have to get the due date out of my body–there's something physical about it. It has to be taken seriously, that there is a sense of grief over actually losing a child even though it is not full-term”. Discussion  Pregnancy and childbirth is a significant experience in a woman's life. The fact that women feel joy and reassurance from the visual experience of seeing their baby is a positive consequence of ultrasound technology. Another consequence is that women can seek confirmation that all is well with their baby. This study shows that when women receive abnormal ultrasound findings, they are confronted with an overwhelming number of questions and choices. The necessity to make such choices is in itself a source of stress. When the participants were informed of unexpected findings, they described a state of emotional distress and chaos. They also underlined how difficult it was to be open about the situation under such conditions. Loneliness and chaotic emotions are also described in another qualitative study in which 30 women were interviewed.17 Several studies underline the fact that ultrasound technology leads to increased anxiety and insecurity.2, 13, 28 High levels of psychological distress are reported in several studies which focused on the outcome of ultrasound examinations that resulted in unexpected findings.2, 29, 30 It may be possible that also midwives and doctors are unprepared to support and address these emotions. In one study it was reported that midwives felt that, in general, this was a difficult part of their work from both the ethical and practical aspects, and that they felt a need for more knowledge and training in how to address such situations.31 On the other hand, it may be difficult to fully prepare couples for this possibility because the emotional turmoil is difficult to handle before it is experienced. Thus, to some extent, the emotional juxtapositions are all part of human responses to unexpected crises. The emotional dilemma The decision to terminate a pregnancy is one of the most difficult dilemmas with which parents can be confronted.32 All of the respondents experienced the decision-making process prior to the pregnancy termination as demanding. The waiting time prior to the next examination was for many characterized by great unease and frustration. In order to “survive” these situations the women distanced themselves from their body and their baby. They developed a negative attitude toward their own body, particularly fetal movements, as these intensified feelings that were associated with the abnormal and the unknown.33 These feelings are normal for women who find themselves in this situation and are faced with having to make extremely difficult decisions. Making decisions while in a state of emotional chaos Many women felt a sense of powerlessness when confronted with the choice that technology had provided for them. The women described a situation which, regardless of the choice they made, would only prolong the suffering of both themselves and their child. The knowledge that the baby would not survive, or would have a significantly reduced quality of life, created a situation in which continuing the pregnancy was not a viable alternative. They felt that the knowledge available had provided them with a choice they did not want. By actively encouraging ultrasound examinations, medical personnel are legitimizing the possibility of choosing not to keep a fetus with deformities. Such legitimization probably simplifies the decision, since the women feel that they are supported in the choices they make. Health care personnel must evaluate how detailed the information should be in order to be correctly understood. This is a familiar challenge in the relationship between the sender and receiver of information. In connection with crises, one experiences “general feelings of anxiety, rage, guilt, grief, depression and isolation”.34 The respondents in this study described the same feelings. They also experienced that their ability to understand and be receptive to information was reduced because of these different reactions. In addition to this, the time they were given in which to make their decision was limited, something many of the respondents perceived as negative pressure. They described their situation as one that was not about them, but rather about “someone else”. These statements underline the fact that they displayed clear signs of being in a crisis situation. Is it possible to prepare pregnant women for such existential situations? One study concludes that health care professionals need to clearly understand the complexities of probabilistic reasoning and to appreciate the difficulty of communicating risk information effectively.35 Studies show that few women read about and actively prepare themselves for the examination.36, 37 Another study concludes that pregnant women are able to use sophisticated methods of screening information in order to make scientifically and ethically rational decisions.38 The implications of this are clear: adequate time for an evidence-based and informed consent process must be created.38 Health care personnel cannot avoid having to impart distressing information to patients, but they can be better trained in providing room for support and dialogue once such situations occur. A way of acceptance Research on bereavement processes shows that the immediate reactions to losing a full-term baby or a young child are ones of shock and a sense of unreality. These are followed by intense emotional and delayed reactions that are expressed in different areas of life.39 Although these data are taken from women's experiences with late pregnancy terminations, many of the respondents in this study displayed similar reactions. In particular, it seems as though the bereavement process is prolonged because the process is a more solitary one. Some of the women described their grief as “self-indulgent” and one which did not have the same legitimacy as when a baby dies during infancy. In Norway the routines for pregnancy terminations are to a large extent the same as those for stillbirths. The professional community agrees that encouraging contact with the baby – such as seeing the baby after the birth – is important for the bereavement process. The informants in this study spent several hours with their babies on repeated occasions, taking photographs and getting to know their dead child. All of them chose to hold some form of burial ceremony. They emphasized the importance of having a grave to visit and how important this was in relieving their grief. There are also some studies that discuss whether this manner of behaviour unnecessarily prolonged the bereavement process.40 In one study, which examined a group of 65 women during their subsequent pregnancy, the conclusion reached was that the women who had had most contact with their dead child displayed more signs of anxiety, depression and stress-related problems.39, 40 Only one of our informants chose not to see her child nor to mark the event in any way for fear of not getting over her grief. The midwives’ treatment and behaviour during the termination process plays a very important role in the women's ability to accept and process this part of their pregnancy. Finally coming to terms with their loss is the ultimate goal; not through removing the emotional responses, but rather by reducing them to a tolerable level. This study indicates that there may be a connection between decisions made during an emotional crisis and subsequent reactions of grief. Can we prepare for unexpected findings? One study about decision-making in prenatal genetic testing underlined the need for a more thorough investigation into the changes that would be necessary so that women and professionals could be better trained and enabled in the “active participant role”.11 Our study shows that another change is needed: if pregnant women were enabled to be more self-reflective, they could have a better chance of being prepared for unexpected findings. Hellesnes discusses a distinction between two ways of approaching this type of issue: “The socialization of individuals into political actors is what I call self-reflection. The socialization that impedes the individual from becoming such actors is what I refer to as adaptation. Critical reflection on the consequences of the service may counteract undesirable adaptation and promote self-reflection” (41,s:29). Given this desire to promote self-reflection, the routine ultrasound examination must be followed up with guidance that contains critical reflections on the consequences of the service. A technology which legitimizes the detection of injuries in order to provide the possibility to choose not to carry a fetus with deformities is not value-neutral and therefore needs to highlight the consequences that may occur. Discussions prior to the examination should therefore include more than just being for or against the examination.8 It is reported that women benefit from health care providers who provide adequate formal and informal support resources and who demonstrate empathy by allowing them to process their feelings, expectations and dilemmas.17 Conclusion  The dilemmas raised in this paper are indeed difficult ones, because expecting parents dream of having a healthy child, an image of their own values and physical characteristics. Their dreams do not include the possibility of deformity. Thus, the diagnosis of a malformation simultaneously changes the beautiful baby of their dreams and confronts them with a choice between keeping or not keeping this changed reality. Their baby is transformed into an object they may want to get rid of. The consequences of living with a malformed or retarded child cannot be experienced concretely, so the grounds on which the decision is taken are questionable. The group who had the possibility to terminate the pregnancy did not see a realistic hope for their child's future and the option to continue the pregnancy was not a viable one. All informants described swings between different emotions as a continuous state of chaos. Based on our knowledge of crisis situations, one alternative could be closer follow-up of these women. Studies show that we need to work on improving the way in which crises like these are handled so as to prevent long-term psychological consequences.2, 29 Dialogue between the women and the health care professionals about value-related issues needs to become a natural part of pregnancy care in order to provide pregnant women with genuine opportunities to make autonomous choices. One study suggests a differentiation between risk groups, with information adapted to the needs of the individual groups.42 Further research should develop methods to prepare women for these dilemmas of choice. Review studies underline the need for a more thorough investigation of the changes required to enable professionals and patients to adopt the informed model of patient–professional interaction.11 We do not want to the push decision-making process in any particular direction, but rather allow room for more reflective decision-making to take place. This will create a potential for empowerment and may ultimately lead to a more rapid recovery by women who experience such crises. Conflict of interest statement  None of the authors have any financial or personal relationships that could inappropriately influence their work. References  1. 1Kvale S. Interviews: an introduction to qualitative research interviewing. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage; 1996;. 2. 2Mitchell L. Women's experiences of unexpected ultrasound findings. Journal of Midwifery & Womens Health. 2004;49(May–June (3)):228–234. Abstract | Full Text |
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41. 41Hellesnes J. Sosialisering og teknokrati: Ein sosialfilosofisk studie med særleg vekt på pedagogikkens problem. Oslo,: Gyldendal; 1975. 42. 42Chervenak FA, McCullough LB, Davis J, NYPH, Gross S. Enhancing patient autonomy with risk assessment and invasive diagnosis: an ethical solution to a clinical challenge Genetics in medicine. 2008. a Faculty of Health Sciences, Vestfold University College, Postbox 2243, 3103 Tønsberg, Norway b Institute of General Practice and Community Medicine, Section for International Health, University of Oslo, Postboks 1130 Blindern, N-0318 Oslo, Norway Corresponding author. Tel.: +47 33 03 12 68/908 95526 (Mobile); fax: +47 33 03 12 90.
PII: S1871-5192(10)00016-8 doi:10.1016/j.wombi.2010.01.001 © 2010 Australian College of Midwives. Published by Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. | |
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